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David Fitzpatrick's characteristically acute and
trenchant review of my book Sites of Memory, Sites
of Mourning. The Place of the Great War in European
Cultural History raises a number
of issues central to the methodology of cultural history and what
the French like to call its problimatique. I would like to deal
with some of these general issues before turning to particulars
Cultural history, I take it, is the study of the
codes, gestures and representations, expressed in action as well
as in imaginative forms, which people in the past used to ascribe
meaning to the world in which they live. It is, therefore, the study
of fragments and images which never add up to a coherent whole.
The kind of cosmology which Le Roy Ladurie found in Montaillou is
the exception, and even in that case there is some doubt that the
judicial sources he used exposed the forms of belief held by those
examined in an adversarial (and very dangerous) environment
The environment of the 1914-18 war and its aftermath
was also adversarial and very dangerous, and we should beware of
those like Professor Fitzpatrick, who places the quite understandable
urge towards precision before his understanding of the workings
of language and ceremony. In my view, he is entirely wrong in approaching
cultural history in the same spirit as he (and not alone he) has
approached the forms of demographic life or the trajectory of immigrant
lives. The best we can hope for is to provide a rough framework
of analysis, formulated through a set of specific historical questions,
and then grant the uncertainties and messiness of everyday life
the pride of place they deserve
The framework I chose to use was twofold: an analysis
of three countries' historical evidence on mourning practices and
the languages used to express them. This approach has the advantage
of escaping from the simplistic distinction between winners and
losers, though that distinction did have some weight too. It also
enables us to look not at all facets of the cultural history of
the period; just at those specifically related to acts of remembrance.
The assumption is that remembrance is a process; memory, the product.
Memory is what individuals recall; It is only rarely national, and
we can speak of collective memory' only when groups of people act
in public together.
This they clearly did during and after the 1914-18
war, and I tried to show some of the complexities of that rich field
of social action. Clearly, I have persuaded Professor Fitzpatrick
that my approach can yield some insights into the impact of the
1914-18 war only at some points and not at others. He finds outrageous'
my urging of historians to confront the difficult question of healing,
rather than to assume that the history of emotions belongs outside
of history per se. Perhaps he knows the work of scholars who have
addressed this question with the systematic rigor he so clearly
admires, but I am unaware of them. I was trying to fill a gap, not
to lead a crusade.
He also is puzzled at the claim that some evidence
of a particular kind might be used for more general discussion.
How do we know, he asks rhetorically, that the Australian Red Cross
was representative of many other support networks? Because the Red
Cross operated in roughly the same way in every combatant country.
Why is there a discussion of soldiers' superstition, he asks, in
a chapter on spiritualism? The answer is that those who acted on
the pagan perimeter of Christianity looked somewhat less ridiculous
when millions of soldiers used similar forms of non-rational language
and behavior to get through their time at the front. Hasty inferences
are made, Professor Fitzpatrick says, from evidence on imagerie
dIpinal. Readers will have to judge for themselves if
this evidence supports my contention that the war resurrected codes
of romantic meditation on the return of the dead. The images were
there, and contemporaries seized them with an understandable urge
to link the boulversement of a world in upheaval with an earlier
and reassuring language of hope and consolation.
"Tenuous links"; the connections are
often loose'. Perhaps. But perhaps too it is wise for the Professor
to accept stoically the fact that cultural codes a-re drawn from
a host of fragmentary sources, integrated in a variety of ways,
and with a universal tendency to leave loose ends at every turn.
Heaven save us from those who want their cultural history in neat
packages, so portable, and so unlike the way people maddeningly
are.
It would be churlish to end on a note of antagonism.
Reviews in History is for purposes of
exchange and stimulation, and I have tried to respond to Professor
Fitzpatrick's views in the tone and spirit in which they have been
offered. His most telling points are at the end of the review, in
which he suggests that I have been oddly incurious about the permutations
and complexities of personal loss....' Perhaps incurious is the
wrong word; determined to move away from the thesis of Mosse and
others that war was solely a brutalizing experience. That is was,
but what to me is even more remarkable is that the cultural history
of the 1914-18 war discloses the stubborn persistence of decency,
of understanding, yes even of caritas among people who had every
reason to sink into bitterness and silence. I think that was an
achievement worth considering, alongside the sorry spectacle of
degradation which is also an integral part of the history of warfare.
Nurse Cavell was right: patriotism is not enough; and neither is
hatred, as the lives of millions of ordinary people suggest. Somehow
they came out of the Great War as recognizable human beings. They
lived through crushing experiences most of us, thank God, never
have to see and know. And some, perhaps many - how many, Professor
Fitzpatrick, we will never know - reached back into their cultural
heritage for a set of images and forms of expression which gave
some meaning to what had happened to them. That moment is worth
recalling, and respecting not as the whole truth, but as an integral
part of the history of the Great War and its aftermath.
April 1997
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