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'Elizabeth': an exhibition
at the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich
It is perhaps easy to forget that many
of the central dramas of the Tudor dynasty were not played out
within the heart of London, as we sometimes tend to assume,
but in the palaces which surrounded the city – at Richmond,
Windsor Castle, Hampton Court or at Greenwich. The fact that
so many important events took place in Greenwich Palace makes
it an appropriate setting for an exhibition about Elizabeth
I, and one which by its very location requires some kind of
imaginative response, trying to envision the Tudor brick-built
riverside palace that no longer remains. Henry VIII, Mary I
and Elizabeth I were all born there. Edward VI died there. Anne
Boleyn was arrested on charges of treasonous adultery after
a tournament held there in 1536; over fifty years later it was
there that her daughter finally signed the death warrant for
Mary, Queen of Scots. The very location of the exhibition compels
you to envisage the Tudor palace that lay beside the river.
As this exhibition makes clear, however,
it has to be remembered that Elizabeth’s birth at Greenwich,
in September 1533, was to the dismay of her parents and the
consternation of the regime of the time. Henry VIII had moved
heaven and earth to annul his first marriage to Katherine of
Aragon, and marry Anne Boleyn, and both his personal convictions
and the royal propaganda of the time seemed to rest on the assurance
that he was hereby doing the will of God. Both parents had firmly
believed that God would bless their cause by sending the long-awaited
son and heir. The arrival of a princess was a blow to royal
confidence, to the new royal marriage, and to the still very
shaky infrastructure of an English Church independent of the
papacy. One of the most poignant exhibits in this exhibition
is the letter from Anne Boleyn to Lord Cobham, announcing the
new arrival, which had been prepared before the actual birth.
The announcement of God’s mercy and grace ‘in the
deliverance and bringing forth of a Prince’, has been
hastily altered, with the addition of an ‘s’, to
make the prince into a princess. This one small detail suggests
the degree of confidence with which a son was expected, and
commensurately, the scale of the disappointment which must have
followed.
From this unfortunate beginning, the
exhibition traces Elizabeth’s difficult youth through
the reigns of father, brother and sister, and manages to submerge
the rather tired familiar story of her tempestuous childhood
and adolescence in the remarkable details of the events and
personalities of this time. From the point of her accession,
the exhibition branches out, moving from her family history,
private tribulations and convictions, to her public life at
court, the iconography of her queenship, the questions of religion,
marriage and foreign policy, the problems of succession and
the difficulties of her final years. The rationale of the exhibition
was to concentrate on Elizabeth herself rather than on the Elizabethan
age in general, but the scope of the exhibits is broad. One
especially apposite emphasis is the importance of trade and
exploration – it was from Greenwich that Elizabeth bade
farewell to Martin Frobisher, sailing off in search of the North-West
Passage. Thus the wider implications of Elizabeth’s reign
are included alongside the more personal details.
This exhibition brings together a fabulous
selection of portraits, manuscripts and artefacts, and undoubtedly
should be seen by everyone with even a slight interest in Tudor
history. Some of the images will be familiar, but most are not,
and even the portraits well-known from book illustrations take
on a new glow when seen in the original. The private side of
Elizabeth emerges in objects such as the locket ring which opens
to show portraits of Elizabeth and Anne Boleyn, side by side,
but which closed gives no indication of the hidden, and perhaps
painful, family link it depicts. The book of Katherine Parr’s
prayers, translated by the young princess into Latin, French
and Italian as a New Year’s gift to her father in 1546,
demonstrates her scholarship, but also suggests her need to
conciliate her father – the preface reiterates several
times the bond between them – as well as perhaps hinting
at the personal piety which continues to evade easy categorization.
At the other end of the scale we see
the maps which indicate the mental world of the time: the commercial
atlas in which Cecil scribbled notes concerning recent explorations,
and details of how to address foreign rulers correctly; the
pair of celestial and temporal globes which map out both earth
and skies as they were perceived in the fifteen-nineties. In
this section the existing Elizabethan collection of the National
Maritime Museum finds a perfect setting, and books, maps, charts
and scientific instruments all testify to the extraordinary
achievements of the Elizabethan seafarers. This had a human
side too: the gorgeous Drake Locket Jewel, reportedly presented
by the queen when she knighted Drake in 1581, was to appear
as a precious heirloom in a portrait of one of his descendants
in 1884. This echoes the appearance of more straightforwardly
religious heirlooms in the exhibition, the possessions of Mary,
Queen of Scots, lent by the descendants of the recusant families
of the time who, in defiance of the authorities, treasured them
as relics, and passed them down to future generations.
The iconography of Elizabeth is perhaps
more well-known, but still fascinating, and thankfully there
are more measured claims made here for its significance than
sometimes appear. The splendour of some of the portraits contrasts
well with some of the more homely artefacts of life at court;
the slightly crude stove-tile with the royal cipher, and the
sturdy candle-sconce which bears the royal coat of arms. The
reappearance of these royal arms in a painted triptych from
a Suffolk parish church reinforces how the Elizabethan religious
settlement, whatever its doctrinal ambiguities, sought to replace
traditional religious imagery with more politicized royal emblems.
In this, at least, Elizabeth seems to have followed her father’s
lead. The doors of this triptych, when closed, reveal a selection
of biblical texts denouncing the use of religious images, showing
the close accommodation possible between royal propaganda and
puritan convictions.
This is one aspect of Elizabeth’s
regime which could perhaps have been more clearly conveyed;
the iconographic ideal of the queen has long since taken on
a secular life of its own in the popular imagination, and it
could have been more strongly emphasized how large a part of
this emerged initially from the Protestant mythology of the
reign. It is a slight surprise to find the Elizabethan ‘via
media’ in religion so calmly asserted by the exhibition,
given that it is still a debatable assessment of Elizabeth’s
own views, and definitely does not fully reflect the state of
the Elizabethan Church of the time. It is the later development
of Elizabeth’s reputation that is responsible here, and
although this is dealt with in the catalogue (Elizabeth,
ed. Susan Doran (London: Chatto & Windus and the National
Maritime Museum, 2003)), it could have been called into question
more vigorously by the exhibition itself. The fact that this
exhibition is being used, we are told, as the basis for a study
in contemporary leadership and business skills, founded on the
premise that Elizabeth inherited a ‘business in ruins’
and turned England into ‘the richest and most powerful
nation in Europe’, does pose some interesting questions
about the relationship between historical truth and historical
hype. Equally, the recurring references to how Elizabeth laid
the foundations for ‘the world’s greatest Empire’
give some cause for anxiety.
No doubt the problem with any exhibition
these days is how to marry the views of the historical experts
with the views of those responsible for marketing and public
relations. It seems a shame, however, that this wonderful exhibition
should have to delve at all into such facile distortions. The
video introduction also strikes a sour note, harping on a kind
of Cinderella story, in which we marvel at Elizabeth’s
progress from ‘vulnerable teenager’ to arguably
England’s ‘greatest leader’. The truth of
Elizabeth’s story is in itself spectacular and fascinating
enough, as this exhibition more than amply demonstrates. It
should not have to sentimentalize, or dramatize what is already
so obviously extraordinary.
Yet the overall impression drawn from
this exhibition is, in the end, one of great subtlety, and the
exhibition for the most part does full justice to the complexities
and ambiguities of Elizabeth’s reign. It does not patronize
the general public with too much over-simplification, and assumes,
reasonably enough, that anyone whose imagination is fired by
these exhibits might well be prepared to think more deeply about
them. The inclusion of transcripts of key documents in the exhibition
brochure is a good indication of this, and the whole is supported
by the superb catalogue which accompanies the exhibition, edited
by Susan Doran. This has essays by a range of Elizabethan experts,
which manage to be clear and concise enough for the non-specialist
without losing any of the historical depth – it also has
an array of beautiful illustrations, meticulously referenced
and explained. There is, fortunately, too broad and varied an
array of historical evidence here to let glib generalization
eclipse historical veracity, and the messages conveyed by this
exhibition manage on the whole to be informative without being
dogmatic or sensationalist. Given the enormity of the challenge
posed by Elizabeth’s reputation, this is an impressive
achievement.
The exhibition runs until 14 September
2003 at the National Maritime Museum: for more details, please
see www.nmm.ac.uk
Lucy Wooding, King's College London
Article
Conrad Russell's James
VI and I and rule over two kingdoms: an English view first
appeared in Der Herrscher in der
Doppelpflicht: Europäische Fürsten und ihre Beiden
Throne, ed. H. Duchhardt (Mainz, 1997), pp. 123-37, and
is reproduced in English for the first time in the IHR's journal
Historical Research.
The article compares English and Scottish
responses to the union of the crowns in 1603 following the accession
of James VI and I, examining the reluctance of the English to
rethink their ideas on sovereignty, and the problems inherent
in an 'imperfect union'.
Click here
for more information about the journal, including a list of
forthcoming articles
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Foreword:
'The translation of a monarchy': The Accession
of James VI and I, 1601-1603
In June 1603, just after the accession
of James I, the Venetian ambassador in London was chatting
to Lord Kinloss, a Scottish nobleman and royal confidant.
Kinloss mentioned the anxieties the king endured before coming
to the English throne, but added 'by a Divine miracle all
has gone well'. James himself was convinced that his safe
arrival on the throne formerly occupied by Queen Elizabeth
was literally God-designed, in order to bring the two realms
of England and Scotland closer together. However, for all
the talk about miracles, the reality was more prosaic.
In the early hours of 24 March 1603, Elizabeth
I died at Richmond. The 'Virgin Queen' made no explicit provision
for an heir, fearing that she might encourage faction within
her kingdom. Yet James VI of Scotland was smoothly proclaimed
as the new king. There was no opposition, but equally no immediate
celebration. The London diarist John Manningham slyly noted
that the proclamation was met with 'silent joye, noe great
shouting', although there were bonfires and bell-ringing that
evening as the announcement sank in. Three days later in Edinburgh,
the king himself received the news with exultation.
James was Elizabeth's nearest royal relative;
both were direct descendants of Henry VII, the first Tudor
king. Yet in English law James's claim was uncertain. Since
1351, foreigners were forbidden to inherit English lands,
which might block James from inheriting the Crown and its
estates. The parliamentary succession statute of 1544 mentioned
no heir after Elizabeth and her children (if any), while the
1547 will of Henry VIII debarred his Scottish relatives from
the throne. More recently a statute of 1585 insisted that
if any claimants should conspire against Elizabeth, all their
legal rights were forfeited. Mary Queen of Scots had been
executed in 1587 for her involvement in Catholic assassination
plots against Elizabeth. As Mary's son and potential beneficiary
of her actions, was James compromised?
The king had a cousin, Lady Arbella Stuart,
another Scottish descendant of Henry VII but English-born.
Exempt from the 1351 aliens statute, Arbella might be a serious
contender. The wild card was the Infanta Isabella, daughter
of Philip II of Spain and married to her cousin the Archduke
Albert, with whom, after 1599, she ruled over Spanish Flanders.
In Armada year, 1588, Philip proclaimed that his daughter's
descent from Edward III made her the rightful queen of England.
Isabella was dangerously close at hand in Brussels, and James
was agitated by the possibility that she might re-assert that
1588 claim and urge English Catholics to rise and support
her.
However, James had the great advantage of
being a proven monarch. Emerging from his long minority, he
steadily gained control over both the Scottish kirk and the
nobility. His flexible but tenacious pursuit of his aims revitalised
Scottish kingship. As Edinburgh steadily extended effective
government into the distant Highlands and Western Islands,
James enjoyed a rising reputation in Europe.
Among the Englishmen turning northward as
Elizabeth aged was the young earl of Essex, after 1589 her
favourite, who secretly committed himself to James. By 1601,
however, Essex had lost Elizabeth's favour and after a chaotic
revolt in London he was tried and executed. This was a blow
to the king's hopes. Essex was popular, and as a privy councillor
he was an ideal informant on English policy. Now James had
to start again, rebuilding his party of supporters at the
English court.
James was already showing signs of frustration
as Elizabeth remained obdurately silent on the succession.
Consumed by his ambition to succeed her, he was angered at
being treated with condescension as a beginner in the arts
of kingship. He even asked his Scottish subjects to sign a
General Band (bond) for the maintenance of his title to England,
though without prejudice to the rights of Elizabeth in her
lifetime. However, in June 1600 the Scottish estates ridiculed
any suggestion of taking the English throne by force. Then,
in August 1600, the king was embroiled in the Gowrie plot,
when an attempt was apparently made against his life. This
murky episode seemed to point to rising tensions between James
and his leading nobles that might revive political instability.
In
England, after the death of Lord Burghley in 1598, his
son Sir Robert Cecil was the queen's principal secretary
of state and most influential privy councillor. Essex's
rebellion convinced Cecil that the succession must be
settled before Elizabeth's death. It was too risky to
leave the matter open, since further tumults could destabilise
both England and Scotland. In April 1601 James sent two
envoys south, to repair the damage in relations caused
by Essex's revolt, and Cecil indicated his willingness
to co-operate. An exchange of letters began, but a secret
correspondence with a foreign monarch was a treasonable
offence. Cecil was risking his career and perhaps his
life, so the letters were partly encoded; Cecil was '10',
Elizabeth was '24', James was '30'. The king was reassured
by his new-found alliance with the secretary and promised
that he would not aim for the English throne except through
his firm amity with the queen. He put aside any thoughts
of intervention and Cecil ensured that a substantial increase
was added to the English pension which James already received.
Elizabeth wrote to him in May 1601, indicating he would
get an extra £2,000 per annum, but that these 'offices
of extraordinary charge and kindness' would only continue
while they were 'both thankfully accepted and and sincerely
requited and deserved'. It seems likely that she understood
that Cecil was negotiating with James. Even though Elizabeth
refused to acknowledge him openly, he was her most suitable
heir and in her letters she addressed him as 'dearest
brother and cousin'.
Between 1601 and 1603, Elizabeth continued
her annual routine of a short summer progress and Christmas
revels. She was sixty-nine on 7 September 1602. A play was
performed before her at court in March 1603; in London the
theatre was flourishing as never before. Then she began to
sink, refusing food and finally taking to her bed. John Manningham
learned from one of her chaplains that her death was 'mildly
like a lambe, easily like a ripe apple from the tree'.
Meanwhile her privy council was taking every
precaution to ensure stability. Cecil prudently prepared the
proclamation announcing the transfer of the Crown and sent
it north for the king's approval. His elder half-brother Thomas
Cecil was lord president of the council in the north, a key
post facilitating contacts with Edinburgh. The ports were
closed, and extra watchmen reinforced by local householders
patrolled throughout London. Leading Catholics were kept under
surveillance, as was Lady Arbella Stuart, in semi-captivity
at Hardwick Hall in Derbyshire. There was no trouble at home
and no sign of any foreign forces supporting the archduchess.
Neither the unmarried Arbella nor the childless Isabella enjoyed
much support. After forty years of spinster rule, a male monarch
offered a welcome return to normality. James was a married
man with children - two boys and a girl - and his young family
promised longterm dynastic stability.
On 27 March 1603 King James wrote to Cecil
praising him and his fellow-councillors for their care in
overseeing what he described as an unprecedented event, 'the
translation of a monarchy'. On 5 April he left Edinburgh,
optimistically assuring his people that he would return in
three years, and typically borrowing 10,000 Scottish merks
for his travel expenses. He crossed the border at Berwick
and continued south to York, where he delighted the crowd
by walking through the streets to the Minster for the Easter
service. The ride south became a triumphant progress, with
James feasting and indulging his passion for hunting. He thought
he was witnessing an outpouring of spontaneous affection,
but the overwhelming public emotion was relief at the peaceful
succession, mixed with natural curiosity.
James also wanted to introduce his ideas
on kingship to his English subjects. His Basilicon Doron,
'the king's book' of advice for his son, was promptly reprinted
in London with a new royal preface. The publication was almost
certainly organised by Cecil. It signalled that the king was
a keen author; a flood of political and theological works
was to follow.
The speed and ease of the unchallenged transition
aroused some astonishment. Even Cecil confessed that it had
gone better than he expected. 'We are now so strangely and
unexpectedly made the spectacle of happiness and felicity'
he mused to the English ambassador in Paris. Sir George Carew,
a midlands landowner, reported that 'all men are exceedingly
satisfied and praise God who of his goodness hath so miraculously
provided for us'. Did Cecil smile to himself? Secretly, the
secretary had taken considerable risks and devoted much time
and effort to containing what might have been a major succession
crisis. Once the strongest candidate for the English throne,
James VI, had clandestinely joined forces with the most influential
English privy councillor, Robert Cecil, all other possibilities
were deliberately closed off. Considering the chaos that the
disputed succession of Henri IV had caused only recently in
France, the people of both England and Scotland had occasion
for gratitude. Cecil's proclamation announced that James was
king 'by Law, by Lineal succession, and undoubted Right'.
But he was also king by prior arrangement.
Pauline Croft, Royal Holloway,
University of London
Further reading
Pauline Croft, King James
was published in paperback by Palgrave Macmillan in November
2002 (0 333613 96 1, price £14.99)
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Reviews
The 400th anniversary of Elizabeth I's death
and the accession of James VI & I marks interesting times
for the study of the two reigns, with traditional forms - political,
legal and biographical histories - vying with more interdisciplinary,
culturally-rooted accounts for shelf space.
The history of the Elizabethan and Jacobean
periods is populated with memorable figures, not least the monarchs
themselves, and biographical approaches have always loomed large
in the historiography. Three recent works that attempt to re-assess
the 'storied reputations' as their reviewer John Cramsie puts
it, are Pauline Croft's King James
(Palgrave, 2003), Alan Stewart's The
Cradle King: a Life of James VI and I (Chatto and Windus,
2003), and Carole Levin's The Reign
of Elizabeth I (Palgrave, 2002).
Biographical traditions and traditional source
material, however unreliable it might be, have influenced the
reception of Elizabeth I and James VI & I in sharply opposing
ways, and Cramsie's review suggests that whilst revisionist
studies have contributed to a more sympathetic reappraisal of
James I's reign in particular, the dismal account of his kingship
that characterised earlier 'toxic treatments', can still shape
modern historical portraits.
Elizabeth I's continuing popularity is such
that she ranked amongst the top ten 'Great Britons' in the 2002
BBC poll. Explanations for this longevity, and the ways in which
this appetite for the 'Virgin Queen' was fed by literature,
art and myth in the decades and centuries following 1603 are
ventured in two recent books: The
Myth of Elizabeth, edited by Susan Doran and Thomas S. Freeman
(Palgrave, 2003) and England's Elizabeth:
an Afterlife in Fame and Fantasy, by Michael Dobson and
Nicola Watson (OUP, 2002).
As
the reviewer Anne McLaren observes, if the 'overt political
significance' of the identification of Elizabeth as England
embodied has faded, the multiple cultural resonances of Gloriana
are still powerful, even in their most 'brazenly fictitious'
forms (for example, Blackadder). Despite differences in approach,
McLaren recommends both books for exploring perceptions of Elizabeth's
person (as a woman) and related personifications (as virgin,
as England, amongst many others) in relation to wider concerns
about gender and power, and towards Englishness (and Britishness).
Chapter 7 of Susan Doran's England's
Elizabeth, 'Virginity, Divinity and Power: the Portraits
of Elizabeth I' is available here. Download
sample chapter
In his review of Levin's account of Elizabeth's
reign, Cramsie notes that the themes of 'religion, marriage
and succession' dominate - a domination reflected in other recent
works. The transformation of England and Wales into a Protestant
kingdom was still in its infancy at the beginning of Elizabeth's
reign, and was by no means complete at the end of James's. Elizabeth's
ambivalence about the necessary extent of religious reformation
certainly plays a large part in this uneasy transition. In reviewing
a work that focuses on one of Elizabeth's 'hotter' Protestant
subjects, William Harrison (G.J.R. Parry, A
Protestant Vision: William Harrison and the Reformation of Elizabethan
England (CUP, 2002 [1987])), Andrew Hadfield argues that
it is only through exploring the aspirations and frustrations
of a Protestant radical like Harrison, and through appreciation
of the ' close relationship between religion, politics and historical
writing', evident in the work of a man like Harrison, that a
fuller understanding of Tudor and Elizabethan intellectual culture
can be reached.
The consequences of religious upheaval in
both the spiritual and legal arenas during Elizabeth's reign,
and exploration of the roots of Elizabethan failure to sustain
a religiously 'mixed polity' in the reign of her father, are
features of John Guy's work, collected in the book of essays,
Politics, Law and Counsel in Tudor and
Early Stuart England (Ashgate, 2000). As the reviewer Christopher
Brooks notes, 'Guy's view of English political development eschews
any model of progressive linear development across the later
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries', and asserts that Elizabeth's
management of her counsellors and churchmen, both liberal and
radical, particularly in the last two decades of her reign,
laid some of the grounds for civil war in the next century.
Other aspects of the Elizabethan 'mixed polity'
have been explored by historians: notably the reception and
perception of immigrants into England. This 'highly emotive
topic', as the reviewer Nigel Goose calls it, is the subject
of Laura Hunt Yungblut's book, Strangers
Settled Here Amongst Us - Policies, Perceptions and the Presence
of Aliens in Elizabethan England (Routledge, 1996). While
Goose is sceptical that Yungblut's book sheds any new light
on the conventional foci of work on aliens -- their demographic
presence, levels of xenophobia against them and their socio-economic
contribution to English society -- he nevertheless concludes
that it 'can only serve to draw attention to the opportunities
that still exist for more detailed research into alien immigration
… for both sources and topics for further exploration
are clearly available in abundance'.
Elizabeth's failure to marry and to
produce the necessary Tudor heir, and the succession crisis
this fuelled, has also attracted the attention of historians,
both in terms of how the crisis was managed and the Stuart dynasty
installed without bloodshed (see Pauline Croft's introduction
above); and more generally, in how early modern governments
handled the uncertainties of dynastic stability and disruption
(whether through natural or unnatural causes). As Robert Oresko
notes in his review of Howard Nenner's book, The
Right to be King: The Succession to the Crown of England. 1603-1714
(Macmillan, 1995), James I and VI's 'tenacious adherence' to
his 'indefeasible hereditary right' to be king, indisputably
shaped Stuart destiny on the English and, as importantly, Scottish
thrones. Indeed, as Nenner acknowledges in his response, 'the
problem of monarchical succession in Stuart England was not
sui generis' in early modern continental Europe; nor is it without
relevance in contemporary England, where the longevity of yet
another Elizabeth, and debate about the suitability of adhering
to a straightforward dynastic descent, means that the succession
question is far from just being merely academic.
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